TIME: Iran has acknowledged that it is holding members of al-Qaeda. What is happening with those detainees?
Kharrazi: There are a bunch of them [in Iran]. They are in custody, and certainly we will take care of them.
TIME: How quickly would Iran like to see the U.S. withdraw from Iraq?
Kharrazi: Once security can be maintained by Iraqi forces, then foreign troops have to be asked by the Iraqi government to leave. I believe Iraqis are very much capable of taking care of their own interests.
TIME: Would Iran ever accept permanent U.S. bases in Iraq?
Kharrazi: We are against that. That is not in the interest of anyone.
TIME: Let’s talk about Iran’s nuclear program. Are there any circumstances that could lead to a permanent freeze on uranium enrichment by Iran?
Kharrazi: There will not be any permanent freeze, because [it] is our legitimate right to have this [nuclear] technology and produce what we need for the country. No incentive can substitute for our legitimate right.
TIME: What would happen if the U.N. Security Council is asked to deal with Iran’s nuclear program?
Kharrazi: Our engagement with the European side was not to stop enrichment but to continue with enrichment in a manner that would assure the other side that we would not divert material for weapons. [In] legal terms, nothing has been done wrong by Iran that could be taken to the Security Council. If for political reasons, the Americans want to push an Iranian foreign policy to the Security Council ... I don’t think that would lead to any result that would be wished by the Americans.
TIME: The Security Council could vote for sanctions.
Kharrazi: But we are used
to sanctions. We have managed to live and have managed to develop our capacities. One of the capacities that we have developed is nuclear technology.
TIME: Is there an inherent clash between your position and that of the U.S.?
Kharrazi: On the nuclear-weapons issue, there is no clash. But what remains is that Americans make allegations that Iran is pursuing a nuclear-weapons program without being able to prove it.
TIME: There have been reports that the U.S. is flying unpiloted drones over Iran and has introduced surveillance teams into Iran. Is that the case?
Kharrazi: There are such rumors. If true, it proves that the U.S. is violating our sovereignty. And it certainly cannot be tolerated.
TIME: The Middle East peace process is moving slowly ...
Kharrazi: It has not moved. But there is some cease-fire. That doesn’t mean there is new movement. I believe the Israelis are playing games. They are not sincere. We are not optimistic about any improvement in the situation.
TIME: What could Iran do to advance the peace process?
Kharrazi: I don’t think there is anything Iran can do. It is the responsibility of the Palestinians themselves, and regional countries.
TIME: Vice President Dick Cheney has suggested that Israel might take care of the nuclear problem in Iran. But Ariel Sharon has said that Israel has no plans to do so.
Kharrazi: I don’t know if
[the Israelis] have such a
plan, but we are ready to defend ourselves.
TIME: How would you describe the American attitude toward the People’s Mujaheddin, which opposes your government and has been on the U.S. terrorist list for years?
Kharrazi: The People’s Mujaheddin has been designated as a terrorist organization by the European countries and the U.S., and there is no reason they should be free to move around [in the U.S.] to collect money, to hold seminars and to contact members of Congress in the United States. This proves the U.S. is not serious about fighting terrorism.
For web-exclusive additional questions and answers, click to the next page. On the situation in Iraq:
TIME: What kind of relations does Iran have now with the government of Iraq?
Kharrazi: We have very good relations. They are our friends. They are representative of their
people. They have to be supported. And I believe they are in a position to resolve their problems.
TIME: Are you prepared to do anything to help them succeed?
Kharrazi: Yes, certainly. We are doing our best to help them, in terms of training their police force, equipping their police force, and their army, and their economic needs. Right now we are providing them with electricity, which is going to be increased. We are doing a lot of business with them. Therefore it is our policy to have full cooperation with the Iraqi authorities.
On Iran's nuclear program:
TIME: Iran has proposed in its talks with Europe to maintain a small, 3,000-centrifuge uranium enrichment facility. What is of the purpose of that, and would it be able to produce material for weapons as some experts have suggested?
Kharrazi: There are many ways and means that we can enrich uranium, and produce weapons if we wish. But when one country has decided to put everything under the supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), and is going to have national legal instruments in place to assure others that there would be no diversion ...the situation would become totally changed.
You know the Iranian case is totally different from the North Korean case. Why did North Korea expel all the IAEA inspectors, shut down the cameras and withdraw from the Non Proliferation Treaty? Contrary to that, Iran has asked inspectors to come in to show Iran's transparency and to build up confidence. Iran signed additional protocols and has been cooperating with the IAEA, and has been engaged with the European countries. So these are two different approaches. This means that Iran is determined to continue with the peaceful uses of nuclear technology that is not going to produce any weapon. North Korea is quite different.
TIME: There have been examples of non-disclosure by Iran to the IAEA concerning the nuclear program. What happened?
Kharrazi: This was before we started full and comprehensive cooperation with the IAEA. We didn't publicize our activities; of course, we did not violate laws or commitments it was before we signed an additional protocal [with the IAEA], we were only supposed to let the IAEA know about any new installations 180 days before they became operational. And none of these installations, like Isfahan or Natanz, or the centrifuge industry, [had reached] the extent of development that we needed to inform the IAEA. But there have been some failures in terms of experience we have had, or technology we have bought, machinery and so on. Those have been labeled failures by the IAEA, not a breach. And those failures have been corrected, as the IAEA has reported.
On Hizbollah and Lebanon:
TIME: What role do see would like to see followed by your friends in Hizbollah in Lebanon?
Kharrazi: We are for stability in Lebanon. We are against any intervention from outside into Lebanese affairs. I believe Lebanese people have to be taken care of by Lebanese leaders themselves, and right now they are going in the right direction. They have a new government in office, elections are planned. They should be able to take care of themselves.
TIME: Do you favor disarming Hizbollah?
Kharrazi: I don't think that would be in the interest of any Lebanese. Islamic resistance is an honor for all Lebanese, and this resistance has brought equality, honor and liberty. Hizbollah is not a militia, but a national resistance, and they have the respect of all Lebanese, even the Christians. They are an asset for Lebanon.
On oil prices:
TIME: Iran's oil income has grown dramatically along with other producers in recent years. What is your view of the current price of oil?
Kharrazi: We are for a stable market, and a price that would suitable for producers and consumers.
TIME: Any particular price level come to mind?
Kharrazi: OPEC agreed to between $22 and $28 a barrel, but it is out of the control of OPEC. Even oil production has increased, but its impact on price has been little, and the price has still been jumping up. Therefore, there should be other factors, perhaps political or others, to explain why the price of oil has gone up. But we are for the free flow of oil, we are for a stable price, and we believe that will be in the interest of all forces. Certainly we prefer Saudi Arabia [to work] within the OPEC framework.